Build a Ballot asks candidates and users to indicate their support level across a range of policies, responding to issues identified as major concerns for voters. You can learn more about how we select issues and policies in our methodology.
We are currently accepting policy submissions for the 2026 Victorian State election. Policy submissions will close on the 18th of October.
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Victoria is phasing out ageing coal-fired power stations as part of its shift to renewable energy, with Yallourn scheduled to close in June 2028, Loy Yang A in 2035, and Loy Yang B in 2047. Some argue that these stations should remain open as coal provides on-demand electricity regardless of weather and the renewables rollout is too slow. (Source) The Australian Energy Market Operator has warned Victoria could face power supply problems in the coming years. (Source)
This policy would see the state government take active steps — through regulatory intervention, financial support, and/or direct contracts — to keep one or more coal-fired power stations operating beyond their currently planned closure dates.
Critics of the energy transition argue that coal provides affordable and stable electricity and Victoria’s renewables rollout is behind schedule. (Source) Extending coal operations could also protect local jobs and the economy of the Latrobe Valley and broader Gippsland region, where power stations are a major employer. (Source) Operators are more likely to invest in maintenance when they have certainty about a plant’s future: for example, Long Yang B is scheduled to close in 2047 and recorded 98% operational availability in the 2024–25 summer. (Source)
Operators are unlikely to support the policy because ageing power stations “become increasingly costly and complex to maintain, with greater engineering, operational, safety and reliability challenges”, leading to outages and price spikes. (Source) Research has found that coal generator availability drops from 81% to 65% on average once plants exceed 40 years of age, and that coal outages have been the largest driver of power outage risk conditions in Victoria and NSW. (Source) Renewables now cost approximately half the wholesale price of coal and gas, (Source) and batteries are becoming cheaper and more efficient. (Source)
Rent increases are compounding other cost-of-living pressures, pushing more renters further into housing stress. (Source) Most properties are unaffordable (costing over 30% of a household budget) for those on income support. (Source) Under current legislation, landlords can raise rents only once a year with at least 90 days’ notice, but there is no maximum limit on rent increases. (Source)
This policy would freeze rents (so landlords cannot increase rents) for two years, then cap annual rent increases at whichever is higher: wage growth or inflation (as measured by the Consumer Price Index). (Source) These requirements would apply to the property rather than the tenancy, so landlords could not evict a tenant to reset the rent at a higher level. A rent freeze and cap could save the average Victorian renter $15,590 by 2030. (Source) Victoria implemented a related policy during the COVID-19 pandemic: a temporary rent freeze from 2020 to 2021. (Source)
Amid rising rents and tight vacancy rates, tens of thousands of Victorian households are waiting for secure housing and record numbers are seeking support from specialist homelessness services. (Source) In the short term, rent controls can provide short-term relief, stability and protection for tenants. Many European countries regulate rents in some form, mostly limiting within-tenancy rent increases. (Source) While Australian economists mostly disagree with freezing rents, some support stabilising rent increases, provided the design avoids adverse consequences. (Source)
In the long term, rent controls can reduce the supply and quality of rental properties when landlords respond by selling or avoiding repairs and upgrades. (Source) A 2024 international literature review found that rent controls can result in “a number of undesired effects, including, among others, higher rents for uncontrolled units, lower mobility and reduced residential construction”. (Source) Instead, some economists advocate for increasing housing supply and broader structural reform. (Source)
Victoria’s rental market is under pressure, with low vacancy rates and rising rents in both metropolitan and regional areas. (Source) In 2024, the government reduced the land tax-free threshold from $300,000 to $50,000, increasing taxes for property owners with smaller land holdings. (Source) While not conclusively proven, this threshold reduction may have caused some investors to sell their properties rather than absorb the additional cost. (Source)
Victoria’s land tax is a recurring annual tax on residential, commercial, industrial, and other properties, with the exception of principal places of residence. (Source) This policy would progressively reverse the 2024 threshold reduction over five years, raising the threshold back from $50,000 to $300,000. Property owners with land holdings valued less than $300,000 would pay no land tax, potentially saving 280,000 taxpayers up to $975 a year. (Source)
The property industry argues that higher land taxes have a negative impact on investor confidence, jobs, housing and infrastructure. (Source) Research found that Victoria lost more than 640 rental homes after landlords sold more properties than investors bought in the month of May 2026, citing higher land tax as one of the contributing factors. (Source) Victoria’s property taxes are higher than other states, with a land tax-free threshold of $50,000 compared to $1,075,000 in New South Wales and $600,000 in Queensland. (Source)
Economists broadly agree that land taxes — levied on fixed assets, rather than activities like moving to better housing or moving for better jobs housing — are more efficient than taxes like stamp duty. (Source) Raising the land tax-free threshold would reduce an efficient source of state revenue at a time when Victoria is managing significant public debt. Economists also argue that land taxes reduce land values over time, supporting housing affordability. (Source)
Dental care is mostly excluded from Medicare, other than targeted services for eligible children and concession card holders. As many pay out-of-pocket fees, nearly one-fifth of Australians have delayed or avoided necessary dental care due to cost, (Source) and lower income households have higher rates of untreated decay. (Source) In Victoria, the average waiting time for community dental services is 15.1 months. (Source)
In a first for any Australian state government, this policy would establish 10 free, walk-in dental clinics across Victoria — seven in Melbourne and three in regional areas — providing free check-ups and treatment such as fillings, root canals and extractions, prioritising those with the most urgent needs. These clinics could be operational from July 2027, treat more than 100,000 people per year, and are expected to cost $230 million over three years. (Source)
Public health advocates are increasingly calling for governments to provide additional funding or add dental services to Medicare. (Source) Australian research shows that social inequities have widened between 2004–2006 and 2017–2018, with lower income groups more likely to avoid or delay dental visits and experience higher rates of decayed, missing and filled teeth. (Source) Poor oral health — mainly tooth decay, gum disease and tooth loss — can lead to lasting physical and psychological disability and affect a person’s overall wellbeing. (Source)
Dentists have raised questions about workforce capacity, appropriate use of funding, and equity. Victoria already faces staff shortages, particularly in regional areas, with only 181.5 full-time equivalent (FTE) employed dentists compared to 223.6 FTE in 2018. (Source) Some academics argue that this policy is a ‘band-aid solution’ and governments should focus first on training and higher salaries for public sector dentists, while others are concerned about the emphasis on urgent care rather than prevention, early intervention and general care. (Source) Community advocates also highlight the need to prioritise Victorians hit hardest by the cost-of-living crisis. (Source) Without any means testing, there is a risk that the most disadvantaged will continue to miss out. (Source)
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