Build a Ballot policies under consideration for the 2026 Victorian state election

Victoria Police seized an estimated 15,000 machetes and other knives in 2025 and raised concerns that young people are storing “communal weapons” in public places across Melbourne. (Source) Victoria Police can currently search people for weapons without a warrant or suspicion inside a declared “designated area” such as a shopping centre, sports precinct or train station. (Source)

This policy, known as “Jack’s Law”, would let police and protective services officers use handheld metal detectors on any person in a public place without a warrant or declaring a designated area first. (Source) The proposal is modelled on Queensland’s law, named after a teenager fatally stabbed on the Gold Coast in 2019, (Source) and similar laws in New South Wales and Western Australia passed in 2024. (Source)

Proponents argue that Jack’s Law is a proactive tool for community safety, deterring people from carrying weapons and allowing police to stop violence before it happens. (Source) Queensland Police have seized 1,439 weapons from 198,469 people since July 2025. (Source) Unlike pat-downs or bag searches, a handheld metal detector is faster and less invasive. (Source)

Criminologists and rights groups argue the policy will not address the underlying causes of knife crime. (Source) Academics who reviewed Queensland’s first 12-month wanding trial found “no evidence” that it deterred knife carrying (Source) and no reduction in violence. (Source) Data from July 2025 to June 2026 showed that more than one in 10 people searched for weapons in Queensland identified as First Nations, and First Nations legal advocates warn the change would compound racial profiling. (Source)

About 68,730 Victorians were waiting for elective surgery in June 2026, and this list has grown over the past year. (Source) While almost all patients categorised as urgent (Category 1) are treated on time, those categorised as semi-urgent (Category 2) and non-urgent (Category 3) are overdue for planned surgery. (Source)

This policy, called “SurgerySooner”, would let public patients choose to have elective surgery at a private hospital at no cost. (Source) Private hospitals with spare capacity would sign four-year contracts to treat public patients, covering common procedures such as hip and knee replacements, cataract surgery, hernia repairs, gynaecological procedures, gastroscopies and colonoscopies. (Source) SurgerySooner aims to halve the waiting list by delivering an extra 25,000 surgeries a year, at a cost of $1.27 billion over four years. (Source) The model is based on Queensland’s Surgery Connect program. (Source)

Industry bodies say that private hospitals are ready to help cut waiting lists, treating patients sooner and reducing pressure on public hospitals. (Source) A similar Victorian program from 2022 to 2024 added 31,209 surgery admissions in private hospitals, and alongside 14 other initiatives, cut the waiting list by 35 per cent. (Source) Queensland’s Surgery Connect program referred 12,000 extra public patients to private hospitals in the first half of 2025. (Source)

Surgeons warn that these programs move simple cases to private hospitals and leave the more complex cases in the public system, reducing opportunities for trainee surgeons and providing an incentive for surgeons to leave the public sector. (Source) In Queensland, the overall waiting list was only 0.7 per cent lower in August 2025 than a year before, while the number of patients waiting longer than recommended rose 42 per cent. (Source)

Victoria aims to cut climate pollution and reach net zero emissions by 2045. (Source) The IPCC has found that corporate advertising can deflect responsibility for emissions onto individuals, and that some corporate efforts delay action. (Source) Fossil fuel companies are still able to advertise on, and sponsor, assets owned by the Victorian Government and councils, such as public transport.

Proponents say public spaces should not promote fossil fuel companies while Victoria is working to cut emissions, drawing a comparison with tobacco advertising bans. (Source) They argue that removing these ads would reduce misleading environmental claims and help shift attitudes towards fossil fuels. (Source) Health groups including Doctors for the Environment Australia and the Climate and Health Alliance have called for bans on fossil fuel advertising to protect public health. (Source)

Proponents say public spaces should not promote fossil fuel companies while Victoria is working to cut emissions, drawing a comparison with tobacco advertising bans. (Source) They argue that removing these ads would reduce misleading environmental claims and help shift attitudes towards fossil fuels. (Source) Health groups including Doctors for the Environment Australia and the Climate and Health Alliance have called for bans on fossil fuel advertising to protect public health. (Source)

Critics say some sports clubs and community groups could lose sponsors and struggle to find replacement funding, a concern raised in Fremantle’s public consultation. (Source) Researchers also acknowledge there is not yet direct evidence that these bans improve public health. (Source) Critics also argue the ban's reach would be limited, since fossil fuel ads on private property, online and on TV would not be covered. (Source)

Doctors for the Environment Australia, Climate and Health Alliance, Healthy Futures and the Rural Doctors Association of Victoria have supported fossil fuel advertising and sponsorship bans through this open letter.

UNICEF estimates that 88% of the additional disease burden from climate change will fall on children under five. (Source) The Bureau of Meteorology says the average temperature over the next 20 years is "virtually certain" to be warmer than the past 20. (Source) Victorian law does not include a specific duty for decision-makers to consider the health of young people and future generations when approving fossil fuel projects.

This policy calls for a duty of care that makes the health and wellbeing of children and future generations a paramount consideration in decisions with a significant climate impact. When a coal, oil or gas project is proposed, the government would have to assess its impact on young people and future generations, using existing tools such as the Australian Human Rights Commission's Child Rights Impact Assessment. (Source) Projects found to pose an unacceptable risk would not be approved.

The federal bill this is based on applied to projects likely to produce at least 100,000 tonnes of emissions over their lifetime, including emissions from burning the fuel. (Source) A Victorian version would cover state approvals, such as onshore gas and coal mining.

Proponents say young people will face far more climate extremes over their lifetimes than older generations, so their health should be weighed when fossil fuel projects are approved. A 2025 study in Nature found that even if warming is limited to 1.5°C, 52% of children born in 2020 will face unprecedented lifetime exposure to heatwaves, compared with 16% of people born in 1960. (Source) UNICEF found 1.1 billion children, nearly half the world's children, now face at least three overlapping climate hazards. (UNICEF, 2026) Proponents also argue the tools to measure these impacts already exist, such as the Carbon Impacts Tracer, which estimates the heat deaths, food insecurity and other harms linked to individual fossil fuel projects. (Source)

Critics argue a duty of care would give activists "overt grounds" to use legal action to delay or cancel resource projects. (Source) They also argue it would undermine energy security and economic competitiveness. (Source)  Some argue a new duty isn't needed, because Victoria has already legislated emissions targets, including net zero by 2045. (Source)

Victoria raised its minimum age of criminal responsibility from 10 to 12 in September 2025. (Source) Children under 12 cannot be charged with a crime, with no exceptions, and children under 14 are covered by a legal presumption, known as doli incapax, that they do not yet know their actions are seriously wrong. (Source)

This policy would return Victoria’s minimum age of criminal responsibility from 12 to 10. (Source) Children aged 10 and 11 would again be charged, sentenced or diverted by the courts.

The Institute of Public Affairs argues that a higher age teaches young offenders they can avoid the consequences of their behaviour, warning that older offenders can recruit children to commit crimes for them. (Source) While youth offending fell by 8.1% in the year to June 2026, (Source) alleged youth crime incidents reached a record high in 2025. (Source) Victoria is the only state (other than the ACT) where the minimum age is higher than 10. (Source)

Legal and medical professionals say the minimum age should rise to 14, reflecting evidence about child brain development and international human rights standards. (Source) National data shows that 90% of children aged 10 to 12 who were first given a community-based sentence were sentenced again before turning 18. (Source) First Nations children are heavily over-represented in the youth justice system. (Source)

In response to high fuel prices, Victoria made public transport free in April and May 2026, and halved the $11.40 daily fare until the end of 2026. (Source) Melbourne is the fourth most expensive city in the world for public transport, (Source) and transport costs have increased over time. (Source) Children under 18 already travel free, and seniors travel free on weekends. (Source)

The policy would remove all fares on trains, trams, buses and V/Line services across Victoria. (Source) The Parliamentary Budget Office has estimated that free public transport would cost about $940 million per year. (Source)

Community advocates have welcomed free travel to support Victorians with the cost of living, (Source) estimating that a regular commuter would save $2,850 a year. (Source) During the free public transport period, use of public transport rose by 17% compared with the year before. (Source) Free public transport is intended to reduce reliance on cars and demand for petrol, (Source) and can lead to improved personal mobility, lower carbon footprints, and better public health outcomes. (Source)

Academics argue that reliability, frequency and travel time matter more than price. (Source) Researchers found free fares did little to get drivers out of cars, with 26.3% of Victorians shifting to public transport compared with 23.7% in New South Wales (which remained full-fare). (Source) Free fares also mainly help wealthier inner-city residents who already have good services. (Source) Academics warn that a cost of about $1 billion a year would need to be paid for by cuts or new revenue elsewhere. (Source)

Victoria was the first Australian state to legislate a treaty in 2025, establishing a First Peoples' representative body (Gellung Warl) including the elected First Peoples’ Assembly. (Source) Gellung Warl cannot veto laws but can question ministers and must receive a treaty compatibility statement with every bill. (Source) While First Nations organisations and leaders broadly support the Treaty process, there is disagreement about its legitimacy, cost, and likely outcomes. (Source) The Parliamentary Budget Office estimates it will cost about $950 million over 10 years. (Source)

The policy would repeal the Statewide Treaty Act 2025 and abolish Gellung Warl, including the First Peoples' Assembly, saving approximately $1 billion. (Source) In its place, a new government department called First Nations Victoria would oversee Closing the Gap targets and services, focusing on health, justice and education, supported by an advisory body. (Source)

The Institute of Public Affairs argue that the Treaty institutions were established without a public referendum, raising questions about democratic legitimacy, and that Treaty creates a separate system of representation that divides rather than unites Victorians. (Source) They also warn that Gellung Warl’s funding rises automatically by 2.5% each year and the costs of the process are not justified compared to mainstream service delivery. (Source) Critics also argue the Treaty ignored the results of the 2023 federal referendum, in which 54% of Victorian voters voted against an Indigenous Voice to Parliament. (Source)

Aboriginal community leaders argue that the Treaty is about “resetting the relationship and doing things differently”. (Source) The Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service said that First Nations communities were not consulted on the repeal plan and replacing an elected body with an appointed one would be a step backwards. (Source) A poll commissioned by a First Nations-led advocacy group found that 40% of Victorians support the Treaty and 32% oppose it, and 58% see scrapping it within 100 days as out of touch with their priorities. (Source)

Melbourne’s train network is struggling to keep up with the city's growth. (Source) Melbourne is projected to grow from around 4.5 million people today to 8 million by 2051, increasing pressure on transport. (Source) Major middle-suburb destinations such as Monash University and Deakin University have no train stations, and commuters often need to pass through the congested city centre to travel between suburbs. (Source)

The Suburban Rail Loop (SRL) is a proposed underground rail line that circles Melbourne’s middle suburbs, linking the Frankston line to the Werribee line. (Source) Construction of SRL East (from Cheltenham to Box Hill) is underway, with trains scheduled to run from 2035. (Source) The project is expected to cost $32.3 billion, funded by the state government, federal government, and value capture (a levy on property developments near the new stations). (Source) Note: Melbourne Airport Rail is a separate but intersecting project. (Source)

Transport experts argue the project prepares Melbourne for future growth, estimating that up to 40,000 people a day could use the Box Hill and Monash stations alone. (Source) Public policy academics say the biggest benefit is not the rail line itself, but the housing and commercial development around new stations, estimated to support 70,000 additional homes and 230,000 additional jobs by 2041. (Source) Infrastructure Australia now lists SRL East as an immediate priority for investment, saying it would “reduce travel times, facilitate new housing and connect major employment, health, education and retail areas”. (Source)

Economists warn that Victoria, as the most indebted state, cannot afford the SRL alongside projects such as Geelong Fast Rail and Melbourne Airport Rail. (Source) The Auditor-General found that SRL East is unlikely to be delivered on budget and on time. (Source) Funding is uncertain - the federal government has committed $6 billion of the $11.5 billion requested, (Source) and the state government plans to abolish an undisclosed 1% levy on public transport fares - meaning the state may need to borrow more or raise new revenue to cover the cost. (Source)

Victoria's state-owned electricity system was split up and sold to private companies, starting with a partial sale in 1992 and finishing between 1995 and 1999. (Source) Australian electricity prices rose 183% between December 1996 and December 2016, almost three times the rise in overall prices. (Source) Around 1 in 5 Australian households are vulnerable to, or already experiencing, energy hardship. (Source)

The Victorian energy grid would transition to public ownership in stages. It would start with the distribution networks, then move to generation and retail. No compensation would be paid to existing shareholders. While the current State Electricity Commission builds new renewables alongside private companies, (Source) this policy would bring the existing networks, power stations and retailers into public ownership.

Proponents say privatisation has made the electricity system less efficient and more expensive. Research showed that real output per employee in Australia's electricity sector fell 37% between 2000 and 2018, while sales staff grew almost 400% and managers more than 200%. (Source) Victorian retailers' margins were more than double what regulators considered fair, costing households about $250 million a year. (Source) Supporters argue a public owner could put that money into lower bills and the renewables transition, building on the SEC (Source).

State governments overspent by up to $20 billion on publicly owned networks, leaving households in NSW, Queensland and Tasmania paying about $100–400 a year more than needed. (Source) Buying back the networks could cost into the billions, based on AusNet which was taken over in 2022 in a reported A$10.2 billion deal. (Source) Taking assets without compensation could deter the private investment the energy transition relies on, (Source) and the national regulator already caps how much each network can charge customers, whether it is publicly or privately owned. (Source)

Section 8 of the Nuclear Activities (Prohibitions) Act 1983 makes it an offence to build or operate a nuclear power reactor in Victoria, and to store or dispose of the waste from one. (Source) Despite holding the world’s largest uranium resources, about 32 per cent of reasonably assured resources recoverable at under US$130 a kilogram, Australia has no nuclear power plants. (Source) A bill to repeal the 1983 Act was introduced in the Legislative Council on 14 August 2023 and did not pass. (Source)

The proposal would repeal the Nuclear Activities (Prohibitions) Act 1983, removing state-level prohibitions on nuclear power reactors and the related fuel-cycle facilities. (Source) Repeal alone would not approve a site, a subsidy, or a plant. Federal prohibitions would remain in effect, as  section 140A of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 continues to bar the Commonwealth Environment Minister from approving nuclear power installations - apart from a naval propulsion plant. (Source)

The 1983 Act prevents proponents from submitting applications to construct or operate a nuclear power reactor in Victoria. (Source) Geoscience Australia reports that Australia has the world’s largest uranium resources and is the fourth-largest producer, though active mining is currently permitted only in South Australia and the Northern Territory. (Source) CSIRO’s GenCost 2024–25 report identified large-scale nuclear behind renewables, and behind gas with carbon capture, as the next lowest-cost option for new low-emission generation, noting that an extended operating lifespan can lower its cost. (Source)

CSIRO and the Australian Energy Market Operator’s GenCost 2025–26 report finds that solar and wind, with storage, remain the lowest-cost new generation for a net-zero system, while costs for nuclear, coal and gas-turbine have risen. (Source) The same series finds small modular reactors the highest-cost option, and says that because Australia lacks an existing nuclear power sector, any initial plant would incur longer lead time and a first-of-a-kind premium. (Source) Repeal of the state Act would not allow construction, because section 140A still prohibits the federal environment minister from approving a nuclear power plant. (Source)

Victoria already makes a person charged with a serious offence while on bail for another serious offence show a compelling reason for release, and it keeps a stricter test for the most serious crimes. (Source) In the year to 31 December 2025, breach-of-bail offences made up 20.7 per cent of bail applications to the Magistrates’ Court, and the recorded offence rate rose 2.4 per cent to 8,885.5 per 100,000 people. (Source) The Crime Statistics Agency now publishes bail decisions, (Source) but it does not yet publish a full count of new charges laid against people who are already on bail. (Source)

The proposal would amend the Bail Act 1977 so that a person charged with a serious offence while already on bail must show exceptional circumstances before a court can grant bail. (Source) The Department of Justice and Community Safety describes that test as stricter than the compelling-reason test used for this situation now. (Source) Courts would still refuse bail where they found an unacceptable risk, and the Crime Statistics Agency bail tables would show whether decision-makers had applied the new test.

On 26 March 2025, Parliament made community safety the overarching bail consideration and made committing a serious offence while on bail a separate offence. (Source) The Department of Justice and Community Safety says the exceptional-circumstances test is stricter than the compelling-reason test that now applies when someone is charged with a serious offence while already on bail for another serious offence. (Source) This is supported by data showing that technical breach of bail was the largest offence group in Magistrates’ Court bail applications in the year to 31 December 2025, at 20.7 per cent. (Source)

On 30 April 2025, 40.5 per cent of Victoria’s 6,409 prisoners were on remand, meaning they were in prison before trial. (Source) The Sentencing Advisory Council found that changes in remand, not sentence length, drove a 62 per cent rise in prisoner numbers from 2004 to 2024, with remand at 34 per cent of the prison population in June 2024 after a peak of 44 per cent in 2021. (Source) The same report found that while Victoria’s overall population rose 39 per cent over those 20 years, the per capita imprisonment rate of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people rose 68 per cent. (Source)

Victoria is phasing out ageing coal-fired power stations as part of its shift to renewable energy, with Yallourn scheduled to close in June 2028, Loy Yang A in 2035, and Loy Yang B in 2047. Some argue that these stations should remain open as coal provides on-demand electricity regardless of weather and the renewables rollout is too slow. (Source) The Australian Energy Market Operator has warned Victoria could face power supply problems in the coming years. (Source)

This policy would see the state government take active steps — through regulatory intervention, financial support, and/or direct contracts — to keep one or more coal-fired power stations operating beyond their currently planned closure dates.

Critics of the energy transition argue that coal provides affordable and stable electricity and Victoria’s renewables rollout is behind schedule. (Source) Extending coal operations could also protect local jobs and the economy of the Latrobe Valley and broader Gippsland region, where power stations are a major employer. (Source) Operators are more likely to invest in maintenance when they have certainty about a plant’s future: for example, Long Yang B is scheduled to close in 2047 and recorded 98% operational availability in the 2024–25 summer. (Source)

Operators are unlikely to support the policy because ageing power stations “become increasingly costly and complex to maintain, with greater engineering, operational, safety and reliability challenges”, leading to outages and price spikes. (Source) Research has found that coal generator availability drops from 81% to 65% on average once plants exceed 40 years of age, and that coal outages have been the largest driver of power outage risk conditions in Victoria and NSW. (Source) Renewables now cost approximately half the wholesale price of coal and gas, (Source) and batteries are becoming cheaper and more efficient. (Source)

Rent increases are compounding other cost-of-living pressures, pushing more renters further into housing stress. (Source) Most properties are unaffordable (costing over 30% of a household budget) for those on income support. (Source) Under current legislation, landlords can raise rents only once a year with at least 90 days’ notice, but there is no maximum limit on rent increases. (Source)

This policy would freeze rents (so landlords cannot increase rents) for two years, then cap annual rent increases at whichever is higher: wage growth or inflation (as measured by the Consumer Price Index). (Source) These requirements would apply to the property rather than the tenancy, so landlords could not evict a tenant to reset the rent at a higher level. A rent freeze and cap could save the average Victorian renter $15,590 by 2030. (Source) Victoria implemented a related policy during the COVID-19 pandemic: a temporary rent freeze from 2020 to 2021. (Source)

Amid rising rents and tight vacancy rates, tens of thousands of Victorian households are waiting for secure housing and record numbers are seeking support from specialist homelessness services. (Source) In the short term, rent controls can provide short-term relief, stability and protection for tenants. Many European countries regulate rents in some form, mostly limiting within-tenancy rent increases. (Source) While Australian economists mostly disagree with freezing rents, some support stabilising rent increases, provided the design avoids adverse consequences. (Source)

In the long term, rent controls can reduce the supply and quality of rental properties when landlords respond by selling or avoiding repairs and upgrades. (Source) A 2024 international literature review found that rent controls can result in “a number of undesired effects, including, among others, higher rents for uncontrolled units, lower mobility and reduced residential construction”. (Source) Instead, some economists advocate for increasing housing supply and broader structural reform. (Source)

Victoria’s rental market is under pressure, with low vacancy rates and rising rents in both metropolitan and regional areas. (Source) In 2024, the government reduced the land tax-free threshold from $300,000 to $50,000, increasing taxes for property owners with smaller land holdings. (Source) While not conclusively proven, this threshold reduction may have caused some investors to sell their properties rather than absorb the additional cost. (Source)

Victoria’s land tax is a recurring annual tax on residential, commercial, industrial, and other properties, with the exception of principal places of residence. (Source) This policy would progressively reverse the 2024 threshold reduction over five years, raising the threshold back from $50,000 to $300,000. Property owners with land holdings valued less than $300,000 would pay no land tax, potentially saving 280,000 taxpayers up to $975 a year. (Source)

The property industry argues that higher land taxes have a negative impact on investor confidence, jobs, housing and infrastructure. (Source) Research found that Victoria lost more than 640 rental homes after landlords sold more properties than investors bought in the month of May 2026, citing higher land tax as one of the contributing factors. (Source) Victoria’s property taxes are higher than other states, with a land tax-free threshold of $50,000 compared to $1,075,000 in New South Wales and $600,000 in Queensland. (Source)

Economists broadly agree that land taxes — levied on fixed assets, rather than activities like moving to better housing or moving for better jobs housing — are more efficient than taxes like stamp duty. (Source) Raising the land tax-free threshold would reduce an efficient source of state revenue at a time when Victoria is managing significant public debt. Economists also argue that land taxes reduce land values over time, supporting housing affordability. (Source)

Dental care is mostly excluded from Medicare, other than targeted services for eligible children and concession card holders. As many pay out-of-pocket fees, nearly one-fifth of Australians have delayed or avoided necessary dental care due to cost, (Source) and lower income households have higher rates of untreated decay. (Source) In Victoria, the average waiting time for community dental services is 15.1 months. (Source)

In a first for any Australian state government, this policy would establish 10 free, walk-in dental clinics across Victoria — seven in Melbourne and three in regional areas — providing free check-ups and treatment such as fillings, root canals and extractions, prioritising those with the most urgent needs. These clinics could be operational from July 2027, treat more than 100,000 people per year, and are expected to cost $230 million over three years. (Source)

Public health advocates are increasingly calling for governments to provide additional funding or add dental services to Medicare. (Source) Australian research shows that social inequities have widened between 2004–2006 and 2017–2018, with lower income groups more likely to avoid or delay dental visits and experience higher rates of decayed, missing and filled teeth. (Source) Poor oral health — mainly tooth decay, gum disease and tooth loss — can lead to lasting physical and psychological disability and affect a person’s overall wellbeing. (Source)

Dentists have raised questions about workforce capacity, appropriate use of funding, and equity. Victoria already faces staff shortages, particularly in regional areas, with only 181.5 full-time equivalent (FTE) employed dentists compared to 223.6 FTE in 2018. (Source) Some academics argue that this policy is a ‘band-aid solution’ and governments should focus first on training and higher salaries for public sector dentists, while others are concerned about the emphasis on urgent care rather than prevention, early intervention and general care. (Source) Community advocates also highlight the need to prioritise Victorians hit hardest by the cost-of-living crisis. (Source) Without any means testing, there is a risk that the most disadvantaged will continue to miss out. (Source)